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Zgodnie z decyzją Rady Europejskiej z lutego 2011 roku proces tworzenia wewnętrznego rynku gazu Unii Europejskiej ma zostać zakończony z końcem 2014 roku. W związku z tym warto podsumować przemiany, jakie dokonały się na rynkach gazu w Europie Środkowej. Ostatnie lata to nie tylko okres stopniowego „urynkowienia” krajowych sektorów gazowych, ale również czas realizacji szeregu nowych inwestycji infrastrukturalnych, przewartościowań w krajobrazie przesyłu surowca oraz zmian własnościowych wśród środkowoeuropejskich spółek gazowych. Zmianą w Europie Środkowej jest również fakt, że poszczególne państwa i firmy gazowe odchodzą od tradycyjnej, krajowej perspektywy w myśleniu o swoich rynkach. Zaczynają natomiast rozwijać różnorodne koncepcje regionalnej, środkowoeuropejskiej integracji rynków gazu. Niniejsza publikacja przedstawia główne elementy dokonującej się transformacji środkowoeuropejskich rynków gazu, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sytuacji na rynkach Polski, Czech, Słowacji i Węgier.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Economy --- Energy and Environmental Studies --- Economic policy --- Developing nations --- Visegrád Group.
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Palestinian Arabs --- Refugees, Palestinian Arab --- Humanitarian assistance, American --- Services for --- United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East --- United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. --- Finance. --- Middle East.
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Kazachstan to państwo wyjątkowe na obszarze postsowieckim. Jest krajem autorytarnym i uchodzi za bliskiego sojusznika Rosji, mimo to dąży do modernizacji i poszukuje nowych, nieobciążonych sowieckością modeli rozwoju, co w praktyce coraz bardziej go od Moskwy oddala. Obecnie Kazachstan znajduje się na drodze do wielopłaszczyznowego kryzysu o charakterze społecznym, politycznym i gospodarczym. Próbą wyhamowania tej tendencji jest inicjowana przez prezydenta Nazarbajewa przebudowa państwa, przypominająca pierestrojkę lat osiemdziesiątych. Celem Nazarbajewa jest przekształcenie i usprawnienie systemu tak, aby zwiększyć zdolność państwa do przetrwania i zachowania dotychczasowego dorobku. W tym celu próbuje on wybiórczo kopiować zachodnie rozwiązania bez zasadniczego naruszania autorytarnego charakteru reżimu. Realizację reform utrudnia współtworzony przez niego samego porządek polityczno-społeczny w Kazachstanie, a także opór biurokracji, grup polityczno-biznesowych i podziały przecinające społeczeństwo. W obecnych realiach Kazachstanu wprowadzanie reform jest tak samo niebezpieczne, jak ich zaniechanie. Pierestrojka to zatem ryzykowna próba ucieczki przed kryzysem i osuwaniem się w cywilizacyjny cień Rosji.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Government/Political systems --- Developing nations --- Nazarbaev, Nursultan. --- Kazakhstan --- Politics and government --- Economic conditions --- Social conditions
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Since the AKP took power in 2002, Turkey has seen a replacement of the state’s elites, a real change of the political system and a redefinition of the state identity. All this has been accompanied by economic development and rapid social transformation. The pro-democratic reforms and improved prosperity in the first decade of the AKP’s rule created the opportunity for Turkey to become part of the West in terms of legal and political standards, while maintaining its cultural distinctness. However, from the point of view of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the leader of a new Turkey, the political reforms turned out not to be a goal per se but a means to the end of achieving a monopoly on power. Once this goal was achieved, Erdogan began leading Turkey towards the status of an autocratic state focused on the Middle East and resentful towards the West. This trend is unlikely to be reversed under Erdogan’s rule. However, even if the government were to change, there would be no return to the Turkey from before the AKP era. In turn, the Turkish public will have to answer the questions regarding its civilisational identity and the vision of the political and social order.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Governance --- Government/Political systems --- Developing nations --- Erdoğan, Recep Tayyip. --- Turkey --- Politics and government
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The Southern Gas Corridor is a system controlled by Azerbaijan and Turkey of three complementary gas pipeline projects at various stages of implementation. The crisis in relations between Russia and the EU against the backdrop of Ukraine has made the Southern Corridor once again in the interest of both players. Brussels sees it as an opportunity for real diversification of gas supplies and a way to strengthen its position towards Russia. Moscow, in turn, by proposing Turkey and Greece to participate in the Turkish Stream gas pipeline project, is changing the energy map of regional projects, which indirectly affects the projects of the Corridor. This raises concern in Azerbaijan, which is trying to maneuver between the interests of Moscow and Brussels. // The Southern Gas Corridor, although controlled by Azerbaijan and not by any of the players involved in the crisis, is transforming into an element of geopolitical competition. Its further fate will depend not only on Baku's determination, but also on factors generated by the changing context of its implementation.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Economy --- Energy and Environmental Studies --- Economic policy --- International relations/trade --- Developing nations --- Geopolitics
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The slackening pace of important economic reforms, as well as the stimulus measures taken in response to the 2008 crisis to boost investments, have all led to a huge build-up of debt and created imbalances in the Chinese economy, including in the financial markets and the industrial sector. The new generation of Chinese leadership has previously shown a strong ambition to overcome the status quo and resume reforms, setting out a new economic reform agenda in 2013. // Vested interests, which grew out of state owned enterprises and the bureaucracy, have been regarded as the main line of resistance to further reforms. President Xi Jinping has centralised the decision-making over economic reform by expanding the structures of the Communist Party of China. The new tools for implementing reform turned out to be marred by several defects, which contributed to further stagnation of key reforms. Moreover, the slowing down of China’s economic growth has sparked a debate among the country’s top decision makers on the ultimate shape of economic policy, and the pace of subsequent reforms.
National Economy --- Supranational / Global Economy --- Economic policy --- International relations/trade --- Developing nations --- Geopolitics --- Xi, Jinping. --- China --- Politics and government
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The end of the Western military presence in Central Asia will mean the West’s influence on the security sphere in the region will be marginalised and it will also actually withdraw from the geopolitical rivalry. With regard to the architecture of security, a more active stance from China should not be expected, as it is unwilling to confront Russia, is aware of its own limitations in this sphere and views the United States as its main global rival. In a timeframe of the next few years, Russia’s policy will be the decisive factor influencing the security system in the region. One of its goals will be a drive to strengthen its military presence and to widen cooperation within the Collective Security Treaty Organisation. Although it is likely that Russia will dominate the dimension of Central Asia’s security architecture, this will not be synonymous with Russia taking over actual responsibility for security and certainly not with it undertaking efforts to solve regional problems.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Economic policy --- International relations/trade --- Developing nations --- Geopolitics --- Asia, Central --- Western countries --- Relations --- Relations
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The Russian economy has experienced what has proven to be the most painful crisis for society since Vladimir Putin became President of the Russian Federation for the first time. The crisis has worsened the financial situation of all classes of Russian society due to the high inflation rate and a decrease in real wages. It has severely impacted the standards of living of the most politically active segments of the middle class residing in big cities. For a large portion of society the crisis implies a permanent degradation and the need to focus on physical survival in a situation of poverty and extreme poverty. Crisis caused the decline in the social mood, what sometimes triggers isolated economically-motivated protests. Most of the time, society chooses not to manifest its discontent but to adapt to the new reality by focusing on individual survival strategies and limiting consumption. The government’s tactic aimed at minimising the likelihood of further protests mainly involves stepping up the repressive nature of the system and bolstering official propaganda. This is contributing to a progressing atomisation of society and hampering society’s self-organisation.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Social Sciences --- Economy --- National Economy --- Sociology --- Economic policy --- Developing nations --- Geopolitics --- Russia (Federation) --- Economic conditions --- Social conditions
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Od momentu powrotu Władimira Putina na Kreml w maju 2012 roku można zaobserwować nasilenie autorytarnego charakteru rosyjskiego systemu władzy i jego ewolucję w kierunku modelu skrajnie spersonalizowanego, który czerpie swoją legitymizację z agresywnych działań w polityce wewnętrznej i zagranicznej, eskaluje metody siłowe i coraz mocniej ingeruje w sferę polityczną, historyczną, ideologiczną, a nawet obyczajową. // Władza Putina w znacznie większym stopniu niż podczas pierwszych kadencji opiera się na legitymizacji charyzmatycznej: jest on obecnie przedstawiany nie tylko jako skuteczny przywódca, lecz także jedyny gwarant stabilności i integralności Rosji. // Po piętnastu latach rządów Putina Rosja staje wobec wyczerpania modelu gospodarczego, opartego na dochodach z surowców energetycznych, i braku nowego modelu, który mógłby zapewnić rosyjskiej gospodarce dalszy wzrost. // Putinowski system władzy zaczyna przejawiać oznaki agonii – niezdolny jest do generowania nowych projektów rozwojowych, a pogłębiającą się degradację rekompensuje eskalacją metod represyjnych i siłowych. Nie jest to jednak równoznaczne z perspektywą szybkiego krachu.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Governance --- Economic policy --- International relations/trade --- Developing nations --- Geopolitics --- Putin, Vladimir Vladimirovich, --- Russia (Federation) --- Politics and government
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