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Agrarian political movement represents a significant chapter of the Slovak history in the first half of the 20th century. Its beginnings date back to the start of the 20thcentury. Despite several efforts to make it independent it remained part of an integrated Slovak political block before the World War I. It originated as a separate political party with the name National Republican Peasant Party only in 1919 under the new conditions of democratic Czechoslovakia. After unification with their Czech agrarian partners to the united Czechoslovak Republican Party of Peasants and Small Farmers it became the most influential centralist party in Slovakia since the parliamentary elections in 1925 and it kept this position until the end of the first Czechoslovak Republic. The goal of the agrarian party in Slovakia was to attract with its political program the most numerous part of the Slovak population that was employed in agriculture. The party tried to improve material conditions of the population of countryside, in which middle peasant estate absented. The main mean to achieve this goal became the land reform. Its enactment and later its administration became the main point of the party’s political agitation. During the first years of the Czechoslovak Republic the agrarian party in Slovakia was a separate political subject. Because of different opinions about the orientation of the party on peasantry and about the Slovak autonomy, the union with the nationalist wing failed and in 1921 the Slovak National Party separated form the agrarian party again. Slovak agrarians co-operated with their Czech agrarian partners already from the beginning of the republic and after the elections in 1920 they created common parliamentary club. The cooperation culminated with unification of Czech and Slovak agrarians to the united Czechoslovak party. Both sides enjoyed benefits of the unification. Czech agrarians extended their influence to agrarian Slovakia and thanks to it became the strongest party in Czechoslovakia and the Slovak wing of the new party could rely on support of the stronger partner in enforcing its requests on the statewide level. Despite of the fusion to the unified Czechoslovak party, Milan Hodža didn’t abandon his project of cooperation with Slovak fractions of statewide parties and Slovak political subjects. Position in the centre of the Czechoslovak party political spectrum enabled agrarians to seek allies on the left as well as on the right wing. They created not only the axis of the nationwide coalition cabinets, but also of the right-wing cabinets in the second half of the 20th century. Great credit for the creation of this partnership belongs to Milan Hodža who became the clear leader of the Slovak agrarians after 1922. He played a key role in a discussion and convinced Hlinka’s Slovak People’s party to join the government of the first Czechoslovak Republic in 1927, too. The work also tries to answer the question why the party which declared itself a defender of the interests of the largest group of the Slovak population didn’t manage to become the best supported political party in Slovakia. Religion still played a significant role during elections. Majority of Slovak Catholics voted for the clerical Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party which tried to enforce the Slovak autonomy in Czechoslovakia. Agrarians had a significant support in regions with the high number of Lutheran population. Czechoslovak orientation and the alliance with Czech agrarians allowed their Slovak partners to obtain seats in the Czechoslovak governments. As a minister of agriculture in the years 1922 – 1926 Hodža enforced many important demands for the development of Slovak agriculture. The work consists of five chapters with different extent. The first chapter deals with basic ideas of agrarian political ideology. It contains a brief sketch about the formation of the Slovak agrarian political movement before 1918. The following chapter deals with the beginnings of the agrarian party in Slovakia after the establishment of Czechoslovakia, continues with the unsuccessful effort to create a strong nationwide political power and ends with the unification to the Czechoslovak agrarian party in 1922. The chapters 3 and 4 focus on activities of Slovak agrarians in the Czechoslovak agrarian party. The 3rd chapter concentrates on enlarging of the administrative structure of the party in Slovakia and on the office of the main secretariat in Bratislava with its boss František Seďa. It was able to maintain some level of autonomy also after the unification with the Czech partners. The 4th chapter deals with Hodža´s participation in creation of the first right-wing government of Czechoslovakia and his role in convincing Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party to enter the cabinet and in passing a new regional administration law for Slovakia. Except those problems, the author analyses Hodža´s position on Czechoslovak political scene, in the Czechoslovak agrarian party and also the unsuccessful efforts of his Slovak party opponents to threaten his position in Slovakia. The last chapter concentrates on party’s affiliated political organizations and institutions in Slovakia. They played an important role in the party’s successes in the first Czechoslovak Republic. The work deals with the development of the party until 1929 which was one of principal milestones of the first Czechoslovak Republic. It is often called “the end of its golden era”. Just two days after the parliamentary elections in this year came the collapse at the New York stock market. It became the first evident demonstration of the great depression that influenced political and economic life in Czechoslovakia in the next years. Generation change among the leaders of the agrarian party and also in its Slovak wing started, too.

Farmers --- Political activity. --- Czechoslovakia --- Politics and government

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Internal security --- Political persecution --- Intelligence service --- History --- Czechoslovakia. --- History. --- Slovakia --- Politics and government

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Author’s goal in the presented monograph was to analyze the democratisation process in Czechoslovakia of that era, by taking into acount the development in Slovak part of Republic, which in that time had merely a status of a province. He could, however, not ignore the crutial tendencies, that were inherent in the whole Czechoslovak Republic or within the Soviet bloc, since the development in Slovakia was fundamentally infl uenced by these tendencies. In the presented book author is focusing on political evolution only, since separate publications dealing with the economic and cultural aspects in Slovakia of that period are synchronously prepared by other Slovak historians. The book is divided into fi ve chapters. First of them is dealing with the cautious and moderate liberalization in Slovakia during the so-called „pre-spring“ (1963–1967), since the revival process of 1968 had its evolution and did not came out from nowhere. In 1968, the democratic tendencies, that started some years before, were solely intensifi ed. The second chapter is analyzing the political development in Slovakia and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic during the fi rst months of 1968, when the promoters of reforms were strenghtening their power possitions and preparing the programme of reforms: the known Action Programme of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. A detailed analysis of this documment is an integral part of the second chapter. In the third chapter titled „Reformers and Conservativists“, the author’s ambition was to give an account of the complicated development taking place in the leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia, which resulted from the polarization between the adherents of reforms on the one hand and their adversaries in the other hand. The reformers understood the necessity of modernisation of the Soviet-type socialism by perceiving and adopting global development trends in the world, especially the so-called third wave (scientifi c-technical revolution). They knew as well, that it is impossible to undertake such a step without democratization of not only the economic, but also the political system. The conservativists, concentrated mostly in the bureaucratic aparate of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia – the strongest part of the whole socialist political system, were deeply concerned about such a possibility. They were aware, that the democratization tendencies implemented in the economics and politics create a strong pressure on bureaucratic structures of the party-leadership and that their own political existence is strongly questionable by this fact. The fourth chapter is focused on the main question, that is: what is the reason for the fact, that the democratization process (actually processes) in the Czech and the Slovak parts of the Republic were going different ways? Both national communities were pursuing non-identical priorities of this movement, such as the revived civic society in both parts of the state acted differently and followed disparate goals. In order to fi nd an answer this question, the mentioned chapter is based on the analysis of the reasons and concrete symptoms of these differences. In this (and partly also in the fi rst) chapter, the author is paying some attention to the national minorities living in Czechoslovakia – the Hungarian, Ruthenian/Ukrainian, and the Roma-minority, and their perceptions of the reformation process. The fi fth (fi nal) chapter called „The end of reform“ is dealing with the culmination of the democratization process in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, with the failed attempt of the consolidation of this process initiated by the leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. This chapter speaks also about the brutal attacks on Czechoslovak reform-attempt comming from the Warsaw-Pact states and about the military invasion of „Five“. The mentioned chapter of the book describes the adoption of the Act concerning the „temporary“ stay of Soviet military troops on the territory of Czechoslovakia in the mid-October 1968 – that means the legalization of occupation of the country.

History --- Political history --- Recent History (1900 till today) --- Special Historiographies: --- Post-War period (1950 - 1989) --- History of Communism --- Slovakia --- Politics and government.

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November 17th 1989 is one of the most important milestones in the Slovak and Czech history in the 20th century. It initiated deep social changes and it led to global changes of the political system, and in consequence it opened the way for a Slovak and Czech society’s way towards democracy – political and economic plurality, civic and political freedom. It was put an end to the monopole of Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, that continuously held the political power in country since the coup d’état in February 1948 and forced the Slovak and Czech society to accept its will through directives, and often frequently, by using the force. Both societies as well as national minorities living in Czechoslovakia expected from the November ’89 not only some partial corrections of socialism, what was the case more than twenty years before during the crucial events of the Czechoslovak Spring in 1968. In November 1989, the inhabitants of Czechoslovakia wanted something more – their allegations were going behind the frames of the existing socio-political system. They had enough experience with the practices and the policy of the communist regime, more than years before they were able to compare the existing political situation and the economic conditions with the situation in the democratic Europe in order to formulate more concrete expectations concerning the future. The distance between the people and the policy of the communist regime was more and more evident, as they confronted their own conditions with the situation in the democratic countries of Western Europe. On the other hand, there was a part of society that was relatively satisfied by some social conveniences offered by the socialist system, although these conveniences were often insufficient and strictly limited by the stagnating and unproductive economic system. The leaders of communist party were aware of the fact that their normalization-policy and incapability to introduce essential corrections of the political mechanism felt into the contradiction with changing inner political and social atmosphere in Czechoslovakia. It was in the first half of 1980’s, when it came to an outstanding differentiation of both Slovak and Czech society. A new generation grew up, which by its background determined by education and ideas completely exasperated the existing social-political and cultural-economic reality and was far beyond the normalization-policy of the communist regime. In its distance or even antipathy to the political regime, this new “wave” found common interest with the disappointed generation of 1968. Its another “ally” was a respectable part of Slovak and Czech intelligence in its effort to accentuate the adherence to human rights and civil liberties and the observance of religious freedom, cultural freedom, the freedom of education and scientific research. Main part of this publication, which contains also an introduction and selected bibliography, is focused on chronological overview of historical events concerning in particular Slovakia, although in a whole-Czechoslovak context. It is divided in two main parts. The first one starts with the silent manifestation of March 25, 1988, the so-called “candlelight demonstration”, that become one of the most significant manifestations of resistance against the communist regime. The end of this part is marked by November 16, 1989, that means by the eve of the events that had enormous importance for the whole development of Slovak and Czech society. The second part begins with November 17, 1989, and goes on till parliamentary elections that took place on June 8 – 9, 1990, e.g. elections of constitutional functionaries and the creation of federal and national governments in both parts of republic. The authors of both chronologically divided parts were taking into account the social-political, constitutional, economical, cultural, social and other context. Also reflected are international affairs of that time, first of all the social movement in the neighbor states Soviet Union, German Democratic Republic, Poland, Hungary and other states. At the same time the authors consider corrections in bilateral relations between the USSR and the USA as well as the Soviet Perestroika, which brought new impetus to the Slovak and Czech society and which in many aspects gave them an “eye opening” look. The impact of the Helsinkiprocess aimed at the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the cooperation between the East and the West was similar. At the end of 1980’s, the Perestroika and the Helsinki-process had crucial influence on the inner political and social development in Czechoslovakia. The bipolar world was slowly falling into pieces and the iron curtain between the East and the West was about to became history. Chronological records listed in both parts of this publication indicate, that the main protagonists of social/political development right after November ’89 – the VPN (Public against Violence) in Slovakia and the OF (Citizens Forum) in the Czech lands – laid down the condition of radical social transformation including a new order, pluralistic political system and parliamentary democracy and the reconstruction of local selfgovernment, as well as the consistent modification of state-political relations between the Slovak and Czech nation and the beginning of a economic and social reform. Further, they demanded freedom for culture, educational system and science and the revaluation of the foreign policy of Czecho-Slovak federation. Until the parliamentary elections in June 1990, the Slovak and Czech society overrun a fundamental transformation process in all spheres. Compared to similar development taking place in the neighbor states, this transformation process had some specific elements. Nevertheless, besides all specifics, all Central European post-communist states were about to participate in the process of European integration.

Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- History --- Diplomatic history --- Political history --- Recent History (1900 till today) --- Special Historiographies: --- Government/Political systems --- Post-War period (1950 - 1989) --- History of Communism --- Slovakia --- Politics and government

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The formation of the Czechoslovak Republic was confirmed officially on October 28 and 30, 1918 by passing two constitutional acts – the Proclamation of the Czechoslovak National Council in Prague and the Declaration of the Slovak Nation in Turčiansky Svätý Martin. The implementation of Czechoslovak independent statehood, however, required another two years of consolidation in the territory of Slovakia, a period which ended by signing the Treaty of Trianon in June 1920. The period between these two milestones – October 1918 and June 1920 – was exceptionally demanding for Slovakia and its leading politicians. The author presents in her work “Slovakia on its Path to Democracy“ the complex problems that emerged immediately after the proclamation of the Czechoslovak Republic and that were closely connected with the process of integration of Slovakia into the new state. The crucial problem was especially the great gap caused by different levels of development of Slovakia and the Czech lands. It was exactly this feature that gave rise to new problems in the process of integration of the two territories. The Office of the Minister Plenipotentiary for the Administration of Slovakia was temporarily in charge of the consolidation of the new political situation. The Minister’s task was made more difficult by the efforts of Hungary to regain the territory of Slovakia or at least a part of it. This “war after the war” complicated the proper functioning of the administration and of the democratisation process in Slovakia, which was lawfully initiated and codified by the Revolutionary National Assembly. Many of its provisions could be implemented in the Czech lands only, as Slovakia had to be put under martial law in March 1919 because of new war events, with a military dictatorship being introduced in June 1919. Supplying the citizens with basic needs became more difficult, which led to an increase of post-war social tensions, disgruntled minorities, and even more complicating consequences on the domestic political scene. The author, besides describing the first steps that were made after the creation of the Czechoslovak Republic and the ideological and programmatic trends of Slovak policy, analyses some key issues that the Ministry Plenipotentiary had to face. These were closely linked to the changes in administration, staffing and funding, and the overall authoritative character of the post-war regime in Slovakia. Along with the national, economic, and social difficulties, they influenced the outcome of the general elections in 1920, which did not favour the Slovak middle-class parties, but made leftist parties victorious. In this context, the author focuses on certain prominent personalities of this era: especially Vavro Šrobár, Milan Hodža, and Juraj Slávik. They were representatives of the new Slovakia not only as government ministers, but also as leading politicians of the Agrarian Party, which played an important ideological, political, and economic role in Czechoslovakia from its beginning to its end. It is obvious that some problems that emerged immediately after the formation of Czechoslovakia (e.g. the struggle for Slovak autonomy and official recognition of Slovak national identity) and were not properly resolved, continued to reproduce themselves. They polarised the Slovak political scene to an unfortunately large degree, reappeared after twenty years in a more radical form, and proved fatal to the Republic as a whole and to Slovakia in 1938.

Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- History --- Political history --- Recent History (1900 till today) --- Special Historiographies: --- Government/Political systems --- Pre-WW I WW I (1900 -1919) --- Interwar Period (1920 - 1939) --- WW II and following years (1940 - 1949) --- History of Communism --- Slovakia --- Politics and government