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Ова књига представља прилагођен и делимично измењен текст магистарског рада Обредно-релишјска пракса и етницитет верника српских православних парохија у Калифорнији, одбрањеног у децембру 2002. године на Одељењу за етнологију и антропологију Филозофског факултета Универзитета у Београду. Рад је настао као део пројекта Етнографског института САНУ број 2157: Традиционална култура Срба — системи представа, обреда и социјалних институција, који финансира Министарство за науку и технологију Републике Србије. Желела бих да се захвалим овом министарству чији сам стипендиста била током постдипломских студија, као и Министарству културе које је финансирало моје путне тропжове до Лос Анђелеса. Захваљујем се свим колегама у Етнографском институту САНУ чијим сам се искуством користила приликом израде рада. Најсрдачније се захваљујем мојим рецензентима академику Димитрију Стефановићу, др Душану Дрљачи, др Младени Прелић на корисним саветима и сугестијама, као и ментору проф. др Бранку Ћупурдији. Посебну благодарност дугујем епископу шумадијском господину Јовану, који је током мог боравка у Калифорнији у јесен 2000. године био владика западноамерички и који ми је дао дозволу за истраживање у његовој епархији. Желим да се захвалим и свештенству западноамеричке епархије које ми је помогло да прикупим материјал за израду овог рада, посебно јерејима Блашку Параклису из Оринџ Каун-тија, Петру Јовановићу из Сан Габријела, Марку Матићу из Сан Франциска и његовој супрузи Весни, као и свим испитаницима - људима добре воље који су учествовали у истраживању и допринели стварању ове књиге. Дугујем посебну захвалност др Андреју Симићу, професору антропологије на Универзитету Јужне Калифорније у Лос Анђелесу и проф. др Димитрију Ђорђевићу, са Универзитета у Санта Барбари (Калифорнија), члану САНУ. Највећу захвалност дугујем мојој сестри Татјани и њеном супругу Зорану Миловановић, који су сносили све трошкове мог боравка и истраживања у Америци - без њихове љубави и разумевања реализација овог подухвата била би немогућа. Истинску и усрдну подршку и у овом послу пружили су ми моји родитељи, којима неизмерно благодарим на помоћи и стрпљењу.
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The region of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje belongs to the Kosovo-Resava dialect of the Serbian language, but the speech of this part of Veliko Pomoravlje occupies the bordering zone between two dialectal masses of Serbian — the Kosovo-Resava and the Timok-Prizren dialects. The speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje has proven to be a very rich source of information about metanastatic movements as well as about the origin of population. This speech is, to a very high degree, the result of migrations of the representatives of southern and south-eastern sub dialects, which have been taking place ever since the century and into this day. To a somewhat lesser degree the structure of this speech has been affected by its geolinguistic status i.e. its position in the bordering zone. The portion that belongs to the oldest — and the strongest — the Kosovo-Resava migrational stream, is about the largest one. Then it is followed — and in some villages even preceded — by the Vardar-Južna Morava stream, while the Dinaric population is scarcely represented and mostly overwhelmed by the settlers of the Timok-Braničevo and Šop streams. In the course of time, the immigrants of the Vardar — Južna Morava provenience, originality probably the most dominant in the places of the Paraćin region alongside the river of Velika Morava, have imposed the features of their original vernaculars on the population outside the Morava valley proprer. The abovementioned facts have directly caused the super stratification of certain Balkanistic features onto the unquestionable Kosovo-Resava dialectal basis of the studied speech. These include, in the first place, the proportion of penetration of casus generalis and a conspicuous tendency toward analytism. The situation regarding the use of case forms, generally speaking, is closer to that in the Prizren — Južna Morava vernaculars than to the one in Kosovo-Resava dialects. After describing the syntactic features in the realm of use of case forms in this transitional speech I tried to establish, by tracing the change of distribution of case forms brought about by a substantial influence of analytic structures, the extent to which — within the range of each case and each case construction — flective forms have been preserved (in otherwords, the Kosovo-Resava situation), as well as the lines on which they have been penetrated by casus generalis. The rivalry between genitive case and analytic constructions with casus generalis in the genitive function has been resolved in the speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje in a way not described in hitherto studies about individual Kosovo-Resava dialects. Judging from the results of our analysis, it can be concluded that non-prepositional genitive — regardless of whether it is used adnominally or adverbially — is not very frequent, so that a tendency is observed toward securing a prepositional status of this case form. Departing from the materials analyzed it can be asserted that the forms of genitive case realized in relation with preposition vastly outnumber the instances of casus generalis in a genitive function. Therefore, it was solely the sphere of the genitive case with preposition that has remained fairly stable in the face of “tide” of analytic constructions with casus generalis. A pivotal position in the process of disintegration of synthetic declination in the history of the languages of the Balkans has been taken by the neutralization of case opposition between genitive and dative, which has consequently made the syncretism of their forms possible. In the speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje this “primary” Balkanism is not effectuated to a full extent. Syncretized are forms of genitive and dative cases in the semantic category of possessivity, in such a manner that dative takes over the possessive functions o f genitive. It appears almost regularly as an inhibited case form (the compulsory determinator + a nominal word in dative case). Free dative in the studied speech also takes the adverbial position which is primary to it. The semantic differentiation within adverbial dative is considerably greater than within adnominal dative. The analyzed material shows that forms of non-prepositional dative are quite a marginal means of expressing a goal, i.e. the final point of a motion. Instead of dativus finalis with verba movendi the studied dialectal region features a Balkanistic innovation — a locational construction of the type kod + G/CG. Two features typical of the Kosovo-Resava dialect in general are also present in the studied speech: (1) the use of casus generalis in the function of instrumental case; (2) the use of sociative construction instead of a non-prepositional instrumentalis instrumenti. The studied speech, however, has witnessed an intensification of these two phaenomena, so that the suppression of synthetic instrumental forms as well as expressing various categories of non-prepositional instrumental by a sociative construction seem to have reached proportions unknown to other Kosovo-Resava dialects. One of the peculiarities of this speech is also an exclusive use of casus generalis instead of instrumental with prepositions pod [“under”], nad [“above”], pred [“before”] and među [“between”], as well as its incomparably more frequent occurence in the place of instrumental with the preposition s(a) [“with”]. As regards the use of locative syntagmata in the speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje, there are two basic categories of features that make them different from the standard Serbian language and from other Kosovo-Resava subdialects: (1) a very low frequency of locative forms and a much more intensive use of casus generalis in the locative function, especially with prepositions u [“in”] and na [“on”]; (2) the absence or rather suppression of prepositions o [“about”] and pri [“by”]. However, when locative meanings are marked by the preposition po, the instances of locative are almost equally numerous as those with casus generalis with that preposition. An insight into this particular dialectal situation makes it possible to recognize yet another series of processes typical of the use of case forms in Paraćinsko Pomoravlje that fall in the category of consequences of Balkanistic linguistic developments on this terrain. We have in mind, in the first place, an expansion of the use of nominative case in the place of certain genitive functions (in existential and in partitive constructions). Since respective nouns are in the position (subjective) which makes the use of accusative as a casus generalis impossible, the nominative case, being a basic form of a noun, is extremely suitable for such a substitution for genitive proper. Furthermore, there are many instances of nominative as the central, as well as the second independent case, taking over the role of the vocative case. In the studied speech the possibility o f simultaneous use o f genitive and accusative in the same function and with the same meaning has not been exploited in the following basic categories of the free accusative case: (1) accusative as the case of the object with the verb imati [“to have”] and in some other adverbial, partitive syntagmata; (2) accusative as a case of the object of negative verbs; (3) temporal accusative. In this speech the process of loss of genitive forms has gone very far, and simultaneously with it there is the process of amplification of the use of accusative forms which have become a very productive category. Conspicuous is also a strenghtening of the role of prepositions — simultaneous with a weakening of case flection — in expressing case meanings, and consequently, a removal of non-prepositional forms of oblique cases from the frame of the still existent synthetic system. Namely, the semantic field of non-prepositional instrumental is very restricted — except for a considerable number of examples in the category of “tools”, the instances of instrumentalis loci and instrumentalis verbi medialis have been noted practically only by exception. Free case forms of the predicative and temporal instrumentals have disappeared from the studied speech. The grammatical category of number has also had its part in the vanishing of flection from the speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje. Namely, the plural forms of all the nominal declension types have proved to be extremely prone to reduction of genitive, instrumental and locative case forms, thus giving way to the expansion of casus generalis. In that respect, genitive is the best example because the function of genitive plural of all three genders is expressed almost exclusively by forms of casus generalis. In the speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje the syncretic forms of nominative and accusative occur in plural of all the four declension types, thus apparently opening the way to a broader use of casus generalis forms. The growing of analytic processes in the speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje is represented by certain morpho-syntactic entities. Here we shall list just some of them that have undergone analytic re-organisation: od + G/CG m. of the possessive genitive, od + G/CG m. of the non-prepositional genitive with verbs of the type bojati se, kod + G/CG m. of dative of verba dicendi, kod + G/CG and uz + A m. of the non-prepositional dative with verbs of the type prići, s + I/CG m. of the non-prepositional instrumentalis instrumenti and instrumentalis verbi medialis.po + L / niz + AJ kroz A m. of instrumentalis prosecutivus, za + A m. o f the predicative instrumental with verbs o f the type smalrali, za+ A m . of the genitive of indirect object with verbs nadati se, seliti se, radovali se, etc. It is obvious that accusative syntagmata with prepositions are expanding on the account of certain prepositional syntagmata with genitive, instrumental and locative, as well as on the account of non-prepositional genitive, dative, accusative and instrumental cases in certain syntactic- -semantic categories. With regard to everything previously concluded about the use of case forms in the speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje, and after observing the rivalry between flective forms and syntagmata with casus generalis, it can be concluded that the studied speech, in that respect, quite intensively takes part in the Balkan linguistic league. In the speech of Paraćinsko Pomoravlje the most prominent Balkanizing innovation is the presence of casus generalis as a morpho-syntactic construction which co-exists with the flective case forms. Thus accusative as casus generalis takes over the functions of genitive, instrumental and locative, occasionally even dative cases. However, regardless of the fact that casus generalis assumes a number of functions of various cases, in this transitional speech of the Kosovo-Resava zone all the seven cases still do preserve their flective forms. Instances of analytism are restricted, so that the synthetic structure of the morpho-syntactic linguistic level is not destroyed.
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Geographical position of Prokuplje varied, depending on the importance of the region in a particular historic period. At the time of the Roman Empire Prokuplje was situated on the road connecting Lješ and Niš. A fortress (castellum) manned with soldiers securing peace and order, and protecting transportation of commodities and armies in the area was arected on the nearby hill Hisar. During the Turkish reign Prokuplje was again located on the important communication way between Dubrovnik and Istanbul, and this is the reason why between Dubrovnik and Istanbul, and this is the reason why some of the most significant Dubrovnik colonies were concentrated in Prokuplje and in Novi Pazar. Once the railways Doljevac-Prokuplje in 1925 and Prokuplje-Kuršumlija-Priština in 1948 were constructed its position continued to gain in importance. It should be added that a motor road connecting Niš and Pristina passes through Prokuplje and that Prokuplje and the adjacent towns are all connected ba a network of modem roads. Its favorable geographical position has had a definite impact on its demographic development. Archeological investigations in the region confirm that it was populated already in the prehistoric times. Its first inhabitants were members of the Illyrian tribe Dardanians followed by the Celtic tribe Scordisci. At the time of the Roman conquest severe battles were fought with the Celtic inhabitants and those who remained were resettled in Pannonia. Slavic settling in the area was completed by the seventh century. Serbs remained to live there in peace and in war with Byzantium all the way up to the Ottoman conquest in 1454. The region played an active and important part at the time of Stefan Nemanja as well, which may be deduced from the fact that his palace was located in Kuršumlija. The oppressed Serbian population, taking advantage of each and every opportunity, frequently rose up against Turkish slavery. Massive Serbian uprisings against the Turkish rulers took place at the time of Austrian-Turkish wars in 1690 and 1737. After these wars, fearing Turkish revenge, the Serbs, emigrated to the lands north of the Sava and the Danube, leaving behind their centuries-lond homeland. A powerful and successful uprising took place in 1876-1878 when the Toplica region was finally liberated and joined to the state of Serbia. After the liberation from the Turkish reign Prokuplje, finally free, became a strong immigrant point of attraction once again. Prokuplje and its environs were this time populated by immigrants from Montenegro, Herzegovina, Kossovo, Metohia, Kopaonik, environs of Užice, the Vojvodina, Crna Trava and other regions. The result of these migrations was the extremely heterogeneous population structure of Prokuplje, namely its members originated from many different regions. Demographic and socioeconomic development of Prokuplje was disrupted by the 1912-1918, and 1941-1945 wars. These wars had extremely negative effects on population and household growths in Prokuplje. After the Second World War an accelerated development of urban settlements continued in general and this was also true for Prokuplje. These processes invoked the rural-urban migrations because peasants could rather easily find employment in towns. This process was so pronounced in Prokuplje that 60% of its population are the rural immigrants. Prokuplje became the center of daily commuters: workers and pupils. The existence of so many commuters is conditioned by various factors: traffic development in Toplica, underdeveloped economy so that workers have to engage themselves in agricultural production as well, housing shortages in the town and so on. After the Second World War immigration of Serbian inhabitants from Kossovo and Metohia became more intensive. These migrations were provoked by the actions of Albanian separatists and nationalists, further by the bad policy of the Yugoslav League of Communists leadership, and by the failures of the state agencies and institutions. Population and household increase in Prokuplje after the liberation from the Turkish reign was the result of the influx of Serbian population from various directions, while after 1960 rural-urban migrations were the chief factor in population growth. Population increase due to birth rates is extremely modest, the average rate being 9% for the period of the last ten years. Population structure (gender, age, education, nationality, confession, economy) of Prokuplje is influenced by the complex socioeconomic factors effective in the past. Gender structure was disturbed by the intensive immigration of male migrants up to the Second World War and their emigration later on, by the economic structure of the town, by wars and other factors. Age structure is on the other hand effected by decrease of birth rates which is seen from the following aging index: in 1948 0.19.1953 0.18.1961 0.21. 1971 0.22, and in 1981 0.28. Literacy is on the low level (in 1948 15.22%, 1961 12.48%. 1971 11.07%, and in 1981 7.02%) for an urban settlement with more than 25000 inhabitants. Percentage of inhabitants with collage and university degrees is increasing (1948 1.41%. 1953 2.71%. 1971 4.91% and in 1981 7.35%). This increase is in accord with the economic, cultural, medical-care and communication development of Prokuplje, the center of Toplica. National structure in the periods after the liberation from the Turks was quite homogeneous. From 1948 (89.5%) until 1981 (86.47%) the percentage of Serbs decreased. The second largest group are the Gypsies amounting to 5.34% in 1981. More than 99% of the total population in Prokuplje are of the Serbian Orthodox creed. The economic structure of the population in Prokuplje changed in correlation with the development of economic life in the town and its environs. The general activity rate in the after-war period is quite stable: in 1953 31.1%, 196132.29%, 197134.95%, and in 1981 36.44%. Increase of the general rate of activity is the consequence of the aging of the population, decrease of natality rate and the number of pupils and students as supported persons. The number and percentage of self-supporting people is increasing because of the increasing number of retired persons who return to their home town after retirement. The absolute and relative number of people employed in primary sector is in decrease, while those in the secondary and tertiary ones is in increase. The rate and type of change that has occurred in the population economic structure in Prokuplje may be seen from the following data: the number of employees in economic activities increased in the period 1953-1961 for 84.74%, from 1961 to 1971 for 72%. and from 1971 to 1981 for 30.5%, and in other activities: from 1953 to 1961 for 19.5%, from 1961 to 1971 for 25.95%, and from 1971 to 1981 for 56.08%. In the following period both the population growth and the changes in population structure will be moderate for it is not expected that the town would experience abrupt changes in its development.
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I novi milenijum, nažalost, počinje sa ogromnim masovnim egzodusom stanovništva širom sveta; najnoviji slučajevi si Istočni Timor, Avganistan, Sudan i drugi. Izbeglištvo je uvek bolno i teško iskustvo, što su pokazali i ratovi na teritoriji bivše Jugoslavije. Osim toga, povratak nikad nije masovan, bez obzira na veliku želju izbeglica da se vrate. Intencija Dejtonskog sporazuma (Annex VII) da, pre svega, poništi rezulatate rata i obezbedi takav proces nije dao velike rezultate. Razlozi za to su brojni. Prvi je, svakako, to što su počinioci i kreatori ovog zločina još uvek nosioci vlasti na tim prostorima, a drugi, isto tako značajan, je to što su se brojne izbeglice već integrisale u nove sredine, mnoge u trećim zemljama. U odnosu na povratak, jugoslovensko iskustvo je pokazalo i neke izuzetke. To se prvenstveno odnosi na kosovske Albance, koji su se nakon povlačenja jugoslovenske armije, paravojski i policije masovno vraćali svojim kućama, uprkos činjenici da su njihova sela mahom bila spaljena i devastirana (srpske snage su spalile više od 100.000 albanskih kuća). Drugi primer su Srbi iz Hrvatske, koji su utočište našli u samoj Srbiji. Njihova želja za povratkom je opstruirana, kako sa hrvatske, tako i sa srpske strane. Uprkos tome, povratak Srba u Hrvatsku je proces koji još uvek traje, sa mogućnošću da se u budućnosti intenzivira. Sada su, naime, bezbednosni uslovi zadovoljavajući, i, što je još važnije, hrvatska vlast je promenila svoju politiku prema Srbima. Do ove promene je došlo nakon što se Hrvatska kandidovala za članstvo u EU, što je kao uslov nametalo, ne samo saradnju sa Hagom, već i povratak srpskih izbeglica.
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