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La recherche collective dont cet ouvrage est le fruit s'est donné pour ambition de cerner les implications juridiques de l'adaptation des territoires aux changements climatiques. L'équipe s'est appuyée sur l'exemple de l'île de La Réunion pour s'interroger sur les traductions juridiques du discours politique résultant de la COP 21 qui consistait, tout à la fois, à mettre l'accent sur l'adaptation aux effets des changements climatiques et non plus seulement sur l'atténuation des émissions de gaz à effet de serre, à décentraliser les politiques climatiques de manière à les faire correspondre aux spécificités locales, à adopter une approche transversale de la vulnérabilité des territoires et des populations, et à favoriser les échanges de bonnes pratiques au titre d'une coopération globale. Dans ce contexte, les travaux conduits identifient, dans différentes branches du droit, les expressions de l'adaptation, et déterminent si le droit applicable à La Réunion est adapté à l'enjeu climatique. L'accent est mis sur les processus d'agencement des éléments hétérogènes identifiés comme autant de composantes de l'adaptation à La Réunion, afin de révéler et d'évaluer les mécanismes juridiques qui permettent de faire naître et de stabiliser les attentes normatives des parties prenantes de l'adaptation des territoires aux changements climatiques. Cette recherche a été financée par le ministère de la Transition écologique et solidaire, dans le cadre du programme OMERAD (15-MCGOT-GICC-2-CVS-009).
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While notoriously inefficient, fuel subsidies are widespread, and in many cases politically stable. This paper discusses and models various political economy aspects of fuel subsidies, focusing on gasoline and kerosene. Both economic and political are considered to explain differences in subsidies, with particular focus on democratic and autocratic governments. A political process is modeled whereby a promise of low fuel prices is used in democracies to attract voters, and in autocracies to mobilize support among key groups. Subsidies to fuels are viewed as either easier to observe, easier to commit to, easier to deliver, or better targeted at core groups, than other public goods or favors offered by rulers. Easier commitment and delivery than for regular public goods can explain the high prevalence of such policies in autocracies, and also in young democracies where the capacity to commit to or deliver complex public goods is not yet fully developed. The analysis provides a framework for empirical testing and verification.
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One key contentious issue in climate change negotiations is the huge difference in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions per capita between more advanced industrialized countries and other nations. This paper analyzes the costs of reducing this gap. Simulations using a global computable general equilibrium model show that the average the carbon dioxide intensity of advanced industrialized countries would remain almost twice as high as the average for other countries in 2030, even if the former group adopted a heavy uniform carbon tax of.
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La recherche collective dont cet ouvrage est le fruit s'est donné pour ambition de cerner les implications juridiques de l'adaptation des territoires aux changements climatiques. L'équipe s'est appuyée sur l'exemple de l'île de La Réunion pour s'interroger sur les traductions juridiques du discours politique résultant de la COP 21 qui consistait, tout à la fois, à mettre l'accent sur l'adaptation aux effets des changements climatiques et non plus seulement sur l'atténuation des émissions de gaz à effet de serre, à décentraliser les politiques climatiques de manière à les faire correspondre aux spécificités locales, à adopter une approche transversale de la vulnérabilité des territoires et des populations, et à favoriser les échanges de bonnes pratiques au titre d'une coopération globale. Dans ce contexte, les travaux conduits identifient, dans différentes branches du droit, les expressions de l'adaptation, et déterminent si le droit applicable à La Réunion est adapté à l'enjeu climatique. L'accent est mis sur les processus d'agencement des éléments hétérogènes identifiés comme autant de composantes de l'adaptation à La Réunion, afin de révéler et d'évaluer les mécanismes juridiques qui permettent de faire naître et de stabiliser les attentes normatives des parties prenantes de l'adaptation des territoires aux changements climatiques. Cette recherche a été financée par le ministère de la Transition écologique et solidaire, dans le cadre du programme OMERAD (15-MCGOT-GICC-2-CVS-009).
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Somalia's natural and human geography is shaped by its harsh climate. Lying at the eastern extremity of the Sahel, Somalia has an arid to semi-arid climate. The country is in the midst of a prolonged and complex climate disaster, which shows little sign of abating. It has recently endured its longest drought in four decades, now punctuated with renewed flooding. This Climate Risk Review aims to systematically summarize existing knowledge on Somalia's climate risks in an accessible and standardized form. It has developed a set of semiquantitative metrics to summarize and compare risks. It contains four chapters: Chapter 1: Climate Overview outlines Somalia's climate context and how it shapes natural and human geography and rural production systems, as well as briefly summarizes current climate policies. Chapter 2: Climate Change, Conflict, and Social Risks examines the interaction between climate, armed conflict, and social risks, both to better understand the wider context of vulnerability and to identify particularly harmful interactions. Chapter 3: Risk Summaries inventories the major biophysical climate risks across five areas: climate disasters, agriculture and livestock, natural resources, health, and infrastructure and services. For each risk, it collates current information and indicates how ongoing climate change will likely affect the intensity of that risk in future. Chapter 4: Prioritizing Adaptation Action recaps the overall findings across different risks and links these to the broader development agenda within Somalia. It identifies broad priorities and approaches for climate action in relation to policies and institutions, physical investments, and knowledge. This information is complemented by a more systematic review of adaptation options across different sectors in the report's appendix. The report is intended as a reference resource and basis for informing further analytical work. The investments and actions it highlights need to be supported by new and detailed analytical work to identify the most efficient interventions and the institutional steps needed to support them.
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While notoriously inefficient, fuel subsidies are widespread, and in many cases politically stable. This paper discusses and models various political economy aspects of fuel subsidies, focusing on gasoline and kerosene. Both economic and political are considered to explain differences in subsidies, with particular focus on democratic and autocratic governments. A political process is modeled whereby a promise of low fuel prices is used in democracies to attract voters, and in autocracies to mobilize support among key groups. Subsidies to fuels are viewed as either easier to observe, easier to commit to, easier to deliver, or better targeted at core groups, than other public goods or favors offered by rulers. Easier commitment and delivery than for regular public goods can explain the high prevalence of such policies in autocracies, and also in young democracies where the capacity to commit to or deliver complex public goods is not yet fully developed. The analysis provides a framework for empirical testing and verification.
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One key contentious issue in climate change negotiations is the huge difference in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions per capita between more advanced industrialized countries and other nations. This paper analyzes the costs of reducing this gap. Simulations using a global computable general equilibrium model show that the average the carbon dioxide intensity of advanced industrialized countries would remain almost twice as high as the average for other countries in 2030, even if the former group adopted a heavy uniform carbon tax of.
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