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AS Dr. Coen Tamse points out in the introductory essay specially written for this volume, what we call myths are all too often the errors and misconceptions of others. Time being short and human un derstanding imperfect, it is wise to suppose that posterity will convict us all of thinking and acting in some sort within mythological uni verses; only a dead myth is by common consent recognized as a false reading of reality. And yet, in our troubled century, we have witnessed the deliberate fabrication of mythologies, apart from the inheritance of earlier growths like those which still feed nationalism and anti Semitism. It almost looks as if mass democracies positively require neatly packaged and emotionally charged explanations of the social and political environment as a substitute for religion. At all events, the modern science of public relations has advanced far enough for cer tain regimes, or for those who seek to overthrow them, to make a calculated appeal to the vanities, anxieties and frustrations of ordinary people by offering highly simplified explanations of a baffling world, often in easily grasped pictorial or dramatic forms, whether the object is to condition obedience or incite to 'struggle'. The advent of the mass media is generally, if unfairly, taken to have opened limitless new op portunities for the manipulation of our thought-processes, even below the threshold of consciousness.
Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- Conferences - Meetings --- Politieke filosofie. Sociale filosofie --- Political science --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The --- E-books
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Two societies, two conceptions of justice, collaborated and collided when French forces stormed Cartagena of the Indies in May 1697. For their commander, the baron de Pointis, a naval captain in the mould of Drake, this bloody if strategically pointless success fulfilled a long-postponed design "that might be both honourable and advantageous", with ships lent and soldiers (but not seamen) paid by the King, who in return would take the Crown's usual one-fifth interest in such "preis de vaisseaux", the remaining costs falling on private subscribers, in this case no less than 666 of them, headed by courtiers, financiers, naval contractors and officers of both pen and sword.' According to Pointis, peace rumours restricted the flow of advances and the expedition, nearly 4,000 strong when it sailed out of Brest, was weaker than he had planned, especially if it should prove difficult to use the ships' crews ashore
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HISTOIRE INTELLECTUELLE --- LITTERATURE --- MUSIQUE --- EGLISE CATHOLIQUE --- EGLISE ANGLICANE --- TRAITE D'UTRECHT (1713) --- EUROPE --- ANGLETERRE --- GRANDE-BRETAGNE --- FINANCES PUBLIQUES --- FRANCE --- ESPAGNE --- GUERRE DE LA SUCCESSION D'ESPAGNE, 1701-1714 --- AMERIQUE DU NORD --- PORTUGAL --- AMERIQUE DU SUD --- MEDITERRANEE (REGION) --- AUTRICHE-HONGRIE --- TURQUIE --- CHARLES XII (ROI DE SUEDE), 1682-1718 --- POLOGNE --- RUSSIE --- ARMEES --- HISTOIRE ECONOMIQUE --- 16E-18E SIECLES --- HISTOIRE ET CRITIQUE --- HISTOIRE --- RELATIONS EXTERIEURES --- 17E-18E SIECLES --- 16E-20E SIECLES --- 16E-17E SIECLES --- 1643-1715 (LOUIS XIV) --- 17E SIECLE --- 18E SIECLE --- 17E-19E SIECLES --- 1689-1725 (PIERRE IER)
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The rise of Great Britain and Russia is the focus of this particular volume of The New Cambridge Modern History.
Church and state. --- Europe --- History --- Politics and government --- Civilization. --- Economic conditions. --- Religion.
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