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Democracy --- Mill, John Stuart, --- Democracy. --- Self-government --- Political science --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- Republics --- 穆勒 --- Mill, John Stuart, - 1806-1873
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It is usually held that representative government is not strictly democratic, since it does not allow the people themselves to directly make decisions. But here, taking as her guide Thomas Paine’s subversive view that “Athens, by representation, would have surpassed her own democracy,” Nadia Urbinati challenges this accepted wisdom, arguing that political representation deserves to be regarded as a fully legitimate mode of democratic decision making—and not just a pragmatic second choice when direct democracy is not possible.As Urbinati shows, the idea that representation is incompatible with democracy stems from our modern concept of sovereignty, which identifies politics with a decision maker’s direct physical presence and the immediate act of the will. She goes on to contend that a democratic theory of representation can and should go beyond these identifications. Political representation, she demonstrates, is ultimately grounded in a continuum of influence and power created by political judgment, as well as the way presence through ideas and speech links society with representative institutions. Deftly integrating the ideas of such thinkers as Rousseau, Kant, Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, Paine, and the Marquis de Condorcet with her own, Urbinati constructs a thought-provoking alternative vision of democracy.
Government --- Political systems --- Political sociology --- Democracy --- Representative government and representation --- Parliamentary government --- Political representation --- Representation --- Self-government --- Constitutional history --- Constitutional law --- Political science --- Elections --- Republics --- Suffrage --- Equality --- Representative government and representation. --- Democracy. --- Gouvernement représentatif --- Démocratie --- Représentation politique. --- Démocratie.
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In this study of populist politics, Nadia Urbinati argues that populism is best understood as a new form of representative government, based on an unmediated relationship between a leader and those in society whom the leader defines as the "true" people. Leaders of oppositional populist movements gain popularity by taking advantage of a discontent with rule by political elites. Party elites are cast as a homogenous political class who favor their own interests at the expense of ordinary people. Populist leaders who attain office thus face the following puzzle: they must exercise political power without themselves appearing to become part of the political elite. To solve this puzzle, Urbinati argues, populist rulers claim to represent the people by a process of embodiment or incarnation. This form of "direct representation" allows the populist leader both to bypass intermediary bodies, such as political parties, and to avoid any claims of accountability or responsibility. The populist dependence on the will of the leader, along with its willingness to exclude minorities from consideration, renders populist forms of democracy inherently unstable and opens a path to authoritarianism.
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In Democracy Disfigured, Nadia Urbinati diagnoses the ills that beset the body politic in an age of hyper-partisanship and media monopolies and offers a spirited defense of the messy compromises and contentious outcomes that define democracy.Urbinati identifies three types of democratic disfiguration: the unpolitical, the populist, and the plebiscitarian. Each undermines a crucial division that a well-functioning democracy must preserve: the wall separating the free forum of public opinion from the governmental institutions that enact the will of the people. Unpolitical democracy delegitimizes political opinion in favor of expertise. Populist democracy radically polarizes the public forum in which opinion is debated. And plebiscitary democracy overvalues the aesthetic and nonrational aspects of opinion. For Urbinati, democracy entails a permanent struggle to make visible the issues that citizens deem central to their lives. Opinion is thus a form of action as important as the mechanisms that organize votes and mobilize decisions.Urbinati focuses less on the overt enemies of democracy than on those who pose as its friends: technocrats wedded to procedure, demagogues who make glib appeals to “the people,” and media operatives who, given their preference, would turn governance into a spectator sport and citizens into fans of opposing teams.
Democracy --- Populism --- Political science --- Self-government --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- Republics --- Public opinion --- Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- Political sociology --- Political systems --- Democracy - Public opinion --- Democracy. --- Populism. --- Public opinion. --- Démocratie. --- Populisme.
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It is usually held that representative government is not strictly democratic, since it does not allow the people themselves to directly make decisions. But here, taking as her guide Thomas Paine's subversive view that "Athens, by representation, would have surpassed her own democracy," Nadia Urbinati challenges this accepted wisdom, arguing that political representation deserves to be regarded as a fully legitimate mode of democratic decision making-and not just a pragmatic second choice when direct democracy is not possible. As Urbinati shows, the idea that representation is incompatible with democracy stems from our modern concept of sovereignty, which identifies politics with a decision maker's direct physical presence and the immediate act of the will. She goes on to contend that a democratic theory of representation can and should go beyond these identifications. Political representation, she demonstrates, is ultimately grounded in a continuum of influence and power created by political judgment, as well as the way presence through ideas and speech links society with representative institutions. Deftly integrating the ideas of such thinkers as Rousseau, Kant, Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, Paine, and the Marquis de Condorcet with her own, Urbinati constructs a thought-provoking alternative vision of democracy.
Representative government and representation. --- Democracy. --- Parliamentary government --- Political representation --- Representation --- Self-government --- Constitutional history --- Constitutional law --- Political science --- Democracy --- Elections --- Republics --- Suffrage --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- representative government, democracy, politics, political science, athens, sovereignty, representation, accountability, decision making, influence, power, electorate, voting, marquis de condorcet, paine, emmanuel joseph sieyes, kant, rousseau, discord, ballot, free speech, circulation of ideas, public, community, partisanship, fairness, justice, equality, advocacy, delegates, freedom, judgement, revolution, consent, federalism, sensus communis, despotism, constitutionalism, collegiality, moderation, trust, surveillance, nonfiction.
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In a well-reasoned and thought-provoking polemic, respected political theorist Nadia Urbinati explores a profound shift in the ideology of individualism, from the ethical nineteenth-century standard, in which each person cooperates with others as equals for the betterment of their lives and the community, to the contemporary "I don't give a damn" maxim. Identifying this "tyranny of the moderns" as the most radical risk that modern democracy currently faces, the author examines the critical necessity of reestablishing the role of the individual citizen as a free and equal agent of democratic society.
Individualism --- Democracy. --- Self-government --- Political science --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- Republics --- Economics --- Self-interest --- Sociology --- Libertarianism --- Personalism --- Persons --- Political aspects. --- Individualism -- Political aspects..
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Philosophy, Italian --- Philosophy, Italian --- Philosophie italienne --- Philosophie italienne
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