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The U.S. experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan and the resulting U.S. military doctrine emphasize the need for the United States to consolidate the gains it has realized on the battlefield. Recognizing this need, however, is much easier than understanding the measures necessary to succeed. Both U.S. decisionmakers and a variety of analysts have generally agreed that broad-based, inclusive governance and institutionalized capacity-building consistent with the rule of law are the long-term goals for stabilizing fragile states. The conditions under which these goals are realistic and how to realize them are much more contentious. This report describes research intended to advance at least partial answers to these questions, including a framework to help better understand when we expect U.S. leverage to be successful in nudging partners toward better governance practices. While there is no panacea for the difficulties of stabilizing countries after conflicts, this research offers guidance on how the United States might improve the odds of securing such hard-won gains and evidence to suggest that — at least under the right circumstances — it can do so. An Executive Summary of this report is also available.
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The U.S. experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan and the resulting U.S. military doctrine emphasize the need for the United States to consolidate the gains it has realized on the battlefield. Recognizing this need, however, is much easier than understanding the measures necessary to succeed. Both U.S. decisionmakers and a variety of analysts have generally agreed that broad-based, inclusive governance and institutionalized capacity-building consistent with the rule of law are the long-term goals for stabilizing fragile states. The conditions under which these goals are realistic and how to realize them are much more contentious. This report summarizes research intended to advance at least partial answers to these questions, including a framework to help better understand when we expect U.S. leverage to be successful in nudging partners toward better governance practices. While there is no panacea for the difficulties of stabilizing countries after conflicts, this research offers guidance on how the United States might improve the odds of securing such hard-won gains and evidence to suggest that — at least under the right circumstances — it can do so.
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This new study of the genesis of the Indonesian national state is based on the notion that the birth of that nation grew out of not only the liberation movement but also from the Dutch rule that the nationalists agitated against. The book places a clear emphasis on the ways in which Dutch rule was established in the Indonesian archipelago in the course of three centuries and examines the developments of Dutch colonial policies. This feeds into chapters that focus on the Indonesian nationalist movement and the Japanese occupation of the colony in 1942-1945. The occupation helped to enable the proclamation of Indonesian indepence and the creation of the Republic in August 1945. The conflict that erupted between the Repub-lic and the Netherlands was brought to an incomplete solution in 1949, but the dis-pute about West-Irian led to a sequel that lasted for another thirteen years. More than half of this book is dedicated to the conflict and its aftermath. Much attention is paid to the sentiments and ideas that informed Dutch policy. Various issues that have received scant attention in the historiography are now dis-cussed. The author based his study on Dutch and international literature, contemporary newspapers and policy documents, and his own memories. In the books title, the stork represents the Dutch and the garuda functions as a symbol of Indonesia. J. Herman Burgers (1926) worked at the Dutch Department of Foreign Affairs. He studied Law in Amsterdam and Political Science at Stanford University. He was deeply interested in the conflict between the Netherlands and the Republic of Indone-sia, as it broke out in 1945. This fascination has never left him, and he has continued to study the conflict and its aftermath, especially during the years 1948-1950 when he was in Indonesia for his Dutch military service.
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"Fragile states pose major development and security challenges. Considerable international resources are therefore devoted to state-building and institutional strengthening in fragile states, with generally mixed results. This volume explores how unpacking the concept of fragility and studying its dimensions and forms can help to build policy-relevant understandings of how states become more resilient and the role of aid therein. It highlights the particular challenges for donors in dealing with 'chronically' (as opposed to 'temporarily') fragile states and those with weak legitimacy, as well as how unpacking fragility can provide traction on how to take 'local context' into account. Three chapters present new analysis from innovative initiatives to study fragility and fragile state transitions in cross-national perspective. Four chapters offer new focused analysis of selected countries, drawing on comparative methods and spotlighting the role of aid versus historical, institutional and other factors. It has become a truism that one-size-fits-all policies do not work in development, whether in fragile or non-fragile states. This is should not be confused with a broader rejection of 'off-the-rack' policy models that can then be further adjusted in particular situations. Systematic thinking about varieties of fragility helps us to develop this range, drawing lessons - appropriately - from past experience. This book was originally published as a special issue of Third World Quarterly, and is available online as an Open Access monograph."
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Central Peripheries explores post-Soviet Central Asia through the prism of nation-building. Although relative latecomers on the international scene, the Central Asian states see themselves as globalized, and yet in spite of - or perhaps precisely because of - this, they hold a very classical vision of the nation-state, rejecting the abolition of boundaries and the theory of the 'death of the nation'. Their unabashed celebration of very classical nationhoods built on post-modern premises challenges the Western view of nationalism as a dying ideology that ought to have been transcended by post-national cosmopolitanism. Marlene Laruelle looks at how states in the region have been navigating the construction of a nation in a post-imperial context where Russia remains the dominant power and cultural reference. She takes into consideration the ways in which the Soviet past has influenced the construction of national storylines, as well as the diversity of each state's narratives and use of symbolic politics. Exploring state discourses, academic narratives and different forms of popular nationalist storytelling allows Laruelle to depict the complex construction of the national pantheon in the three decades since independence. The second half of the book focuses on Kazakhstan as the most hybrid national construction and a unique case study of nationhood in Eurasia. Based on the principle that only multidisciplinarity can help us to untangle the puzzle of nationhood, Central Peripheries uses mixed methods, combining political science, intellectual history, sociology and cultural anthropology. It is inspired by two decades of fieldwork in the region and a deep knowledge of the region's academia and political environment. Praise for Central Peripheries 'Marlene Laruelle paves the way to the more focused and necessary outlook on Central Asia, a region that is not a periphery but a central space for emerging conceptual debates and complexities. Above all, the book is a product of Laruelle's trademark excellence in balancing empirical depth with vigorous theoretical advancements.' - Diana T. Kudaibergenova, University of Cambridge 'Using the concept of hybridity, Laruelle explores the multitude of historical, political and geopolitical factors that predetermine different ways of looking at nations and various configurations of nation-building in post-Soviet Central Asia. Those manifold contexts present a general picture of the transformation that the former southern periphery of the USSR has been going through in the past decades.' - Sergey Abashin, European University at St Petersburg.
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Abaas Karim geht in seiner Dissertation von der Grundannahme aus, dass sowohl für den Irak insgesamt als auch für die Autonome Region Kurdistan (ARK) im Norden des Iraks der Weg hin zu einer Nationsbildung noch längst nicht abgeschlossen ist und dass angesichts der ethnisch-konfessionellen und politischen Fragmentierung sowohl des Iraks als auch der ARK im Besonderen die politische Ordnung einer föderalistischen Konsensdemokratie nach Schweizer Vorbild anzustreben ist. Zu dieser Schlussfolgerung kommt er, nachdem er sich für die Zeit vor 2003 insbesondere auf die kurdisch-irakische Forschungsliteratur stützt. Für die Jahre 2003-2018 wertet der Autor die beiden Tageszeitungen Xebat, das Sprachrohr der DPK (Demokratische Partei Kurdistans) und Kurdistan Nwe, seit 1992 die Zeitung der PUK (Patriotische Partei Kurdistans) sowie das unabhängige Mediennetzwerk Hawlati («Bürger») systematisch aus. Abaas Karim ist seit 2014 bei der Schweizer Armee tätig und ist zuständig für das Dossier Naher und Mittleren Osten. Abaas Karim, who migrated from Iraq to Switzerland as a refugee more than twenty years ago, starts this dissertation from the basic assumption that both for Iraq as a whole and for the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan (ARK) in the north of Iraq, the path towards nation-building is far from complete and that, in view of the ethnic/confessional and political fragmentation of both Iraq and the ARK in particular, the political order of a federalist consensual democracy based on the Swiss model should be striven for. He comes to this conclusion after drawing on Kurdish-Iraqi research literature in particular on the period before 2003. For the years 2003-2018, A. Karim systematically evaluates the two daily newspapers Xebat, the mouthpiece of the DPK (Democratic Party of Kurdistan), and Kurdistan Nwe, the newspaper of the PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) since 1992, as well as the independent media network Hawlati ('Citizens'). Abaas Karim has been working for the Swiss Armed Forces since 2014 and is responsible for its Middle East dossier.
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Die Eidgenossenschaft hatte ihre Neutralität in den Stürmen der napoleonischen Zeit nicht aufrechterhalten können. In der Nachkriegsordnung der anti-napoleonischen Allianz nahm eine neutrale Schweiz dennoch einen zentralen Platz ein. Um dem gerecht zu werden, mussten die Eidgenossen das Vertrauen in ihre Neutralität wiederherstellen – sowohl im Inneren als auch unter den benachbarten Mächten. Die Schweiz nach 1815 sei, so sollte vermittelt werden, nicht mit jener von 1798 vergleichbar, da sie an innerer Stärke gewonnen habe. Diese sollte aus dem stärkeren Zusammenrücken der Schweizer erwachsen, aber auch aus institutionellen Verbesserungen, besonders in Sachen Landesverteidigung. Diesen Entwicklungen geht der Band nach. So wird verständlich, weshalb die neue immerwährende Neutralität für das entstehende schweizerische Nationalgefühl von großer Bedeutung war.
Nationalism --- History. --- Neutralität --- Eidgenossenschaft --- Nation
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Migration. Refugees --- Philosophical anthropology --- National movements --- Nationalism. --- Nation-state. --- Nationalisme --- Nation --- 242 Nationaliteitenproblemen, Nationalisme --- Etat nation --- Idées politiques
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À travers les dynamiques scolaires de la région éthiopienne du Wolaita, ce livre retrace l’histoire de l’État-nation à partir de ses marges, dans la seconde moitié du xxe siècle. De la monarchie de droit divin de Haylä Sellasé au régime militaire marxiste-léniniste du Därg, il s’intéresse aux manières dont les habitants d’une région, incorporée à la fin du xixe siècle, ont réagi face à leur situation dominée au sein de l’ensemble national en négociant avec l’institution scolaire – ses idéologies successives, ses savoirs, ses langues d’enseignement, ses pratiques de pouvoir – pour prendre place dans la communauté politique. En s’attachant aux sentiments d’appartenances quotidiens et au nationalisme ordinaire tel que manifestés dans les dynamiques scolaires, ce livre témoigne de la façon dont les nations sont construites et remodelées dans l’interaction et les tensions entre divers groupes sociaux et l’État. Les manières dont les gouvernements éthiopiens se sont approprié les modèles scolaires nord-américain puis soviétique offrent un regard particulier sur les positionnements changeants de l’Éthiopie vis-à-vis du monde extérieur dans le contexte de la guerre froide, ainsi que sur les formes de traductions à l’œuvre jusqu’à l’échelle locale. Mettant en scène une multiplicité d’acteurs – femmes et hommes, urbains diplômés et paysans, fonctionnaires nationaux et locaux, coopérants nord-américains du Peace Corps et conseillers est-allemands, missionnaires catholiques et protestants – ce livre s’adresse à une audience bien plus large que celle des seuls éthiopisants
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Democracy --- Nation-state --- History. --- European Union.
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